Is the AI “Revolution” the Latest Example of Technological Change Driving History?

By on May 3rd, 2026 in Articles, Artificial Intelligence (AI), Ethics, Magazine Articles, Social Implications of Technology, Societal Impact, Things and Theories

“Technology may not drive history but the fact that influential people believe that it does has real consequences.”

—Gabrielle Hecht and Michael Thad Allen [1].

How do individuals, governments, and societies identify technological challenges worthy of robust interventions? What kinds of anticipation and foresight are validated, and which calls-to-action are ignored, or subordinated to higher priorities? And what kinds of anticipatory warnings result in concerted, constructive action, in the broadest sense, by promoting and sustaining acceptance, adaptation, resistance, and navigation of the emerging technologies in question?

An interesting example of the complexities arising when facing these questions is, of course, AI or the digital technologies clustered under the umbrella term, “artificial intelligence.” Let’s examine how Bernie Sanders, an influential progressive leader and a U.S. Senator from Vermont, engages the subject. In October 2025, Sanders released a 12-minute video lecture on his YouTube channel, entitled “AI could wipe out the working class” [2].

Sanders never uses the term “technological determinism,” but he begins his lecture with what appears to be a common sense, if wholly deterministic, view of AI as a set of intertwined digital technologies, unleashed on the world by a relatively small number of technologists acting out of curiosity or scientific ambition or the pursuit of profit and power. No particular person or entity is in charge of AI, according to Sanders; rather these technologies, though unleashed by humans, are perceived as acting autonomously upon us. Says Sanders, according to his official transcript of his video presentation, “Everybody agrees that artificial intelligence, AI, and robotics, are going to have a transformative impact on our country and the world. There is very little disagreement about that. There are however very strong disagreements as to what those impacts will be, who will benefit from these changes and who will be hurt.”

Sanders comments are sensible, sober, and seemingly beyond debate. And that’s worrisome because he is one of the nation’s most ambitious and perspicacious political thinkers. In the past, some of his ideas have appealed to both far-right followers of President Trump (and Trump himself) and to liberal and radical reformers (who favor a stronger state, higher taxes, and stiffer regulations on business and the environment). While Sander’s framework for understanding AI displays the depth of his intellect, his description of AI as an independent force acting upon Americans contravenes the reigning paradigm, among scholars, of understanding technological change. Academic specialists cast the relation between technology and society as a form of social shaping or social construction. Yet Sanders and virtually every influential figure in American life who speaks about AI, including the computer scientists who presumably know AI the best, present these clustered technologies as, at some fundamental level, out of control. At best, to avoid the frightening consequences presented by Sanders and others, humans must adapt by reshaping their own behavior in response to the structure and functions of AI. Rather than designing and imposing a humanistic “motor” for AI, the best humans can do is to create and enforce “guardrails” against AI excesses.

Do social constructionism, and its proponents, have a PR problem. Or are they mired in a set of vexing conceptual confusions? Is the riddle more complicated? Is understanding technological change subject to the sort of “false consciousness” that neo-Marxists have long discussed when attempting to understand why working-class voters often opt for politicians who oppose their own material interests? Is “false consciousness,” the idea that your own beliefs betray you as an individual and collectively as a society, taken command of the AI debate in a profound and disturbing manner?

The coinage of “false consciousness” is commonly traced to a 1893 letter by Engels, who said it arose when “the real motive forces impelling” a person’s actions “remain unknown to him.” Or as the late philosopher Joseph McCarney proposes in his essay, “Ideology and False Consciousness,” that the predicament stems from a “specific kind of cognitive failure on the part of the individual, a failure of self-awareness[Math Processing Error] .” [3]1.

Has Sanders become a victim of his own false consciousness? For him, AI is a force, coming from outside of society and acting upon us. Whatever the internal diversity of the technologies collectively known as AI, for Sanders, taken together, these technologies are a thing, a species of alien. In short, AI is deterministic, perhaps out of human control and possibly not even of human origin; rather this thing called AI is an epiphenomenon arising from existing digital technologies that appear to have intentions of their own.

The notion that AI, however defined, is a new thing, acting upon us, requesting that we obey its dictates, raises immediate contradictions with the concept of self-governance and human agency, which are the cornerstone of the Enlightenment ideal of humans harnessing rationality and ethics for a common good. President Joe Biden said in his farewell address to the nation that AI is a new thing, acting upon us, requesting that we obey its dictates, awaiting a constructive reaction from government and civil society. As he said on 15 January 2026:

“Artificial intelligence is the most consequential technology of our time, perhaps of all time. Nothing offers more profound possibilities and risks for our economy, and our security, our society. But unless safeguards are in place, A.I. could spawn new threats to our rights, our way of life, to our privacy, how we work, and how we protect our nation. We must make sure A.I. is safe and trustworthy and good for all humankind. In the age of A.I., it’s more important than ever that the people must govern” [5]

But if “safeguards” are necessary, how do we know which safeguards will work best, or at all? While Biden does not say, Sanders does tackle this conundrum. He does not conclude that we Americans—and all humans on our planet—are mere prisoners of AI or any other technology. We the people can, he insists, react and adapt in order to prevent the destruction of perhaps 100 million jobs in the next ten years. What Sander calls “AI automation” is the specter haunting humanity. “I’m afraid,” he conceded, that the anticipated job losses could be even higher:

“Americans who no longer have employment because they can’t find jobs that don’t exist in this brave new world? How do these Americans pay for health care, food, housing, and the other necessities of life?”

“But it’s not just economics,” he added. “Work, whether being a janitor or a brain surgeon, is an integral part of being a human being. The vast majority of people want to be productive members of society and contribute to their communities. What happens when that vital aspect of human existence is removed from our lives?”

Sanders is fuzzy on the details, but the endgame is clear to him: “The rapid developments in AI will likely have a profoundly dehumanizing impact on all of us.”

This outcome is not inevitable if individuals, society, and government take certain bold steps, Sanders insists, such as imposing on the labor force a mandatory 32 -hour work week “with no loss of pay” and taxing the wealthy at much higher rates in order to fund a national health-care system (“Medicare for all”) that de-couples health insurance from employment, giving a stronger safety-net for those without jobs or whose jobs do not pay enough for a decent life.

The notion that AI, however defined, is a new thing, acting upon us, requesting that we obey its dictates, raises immediate contradictions with the concept of self-governance and human agency, which are the cornerstone of the Enlightenment ideal of humans harnessing rationality and ethics for a common good.

Lawmakers, such as Sanders, have yet to even test what interventions will slow or halt the feared juggernaut of AI job-destruction, or whether even sensible limits have any chance of taking effect when a sitting President openly roots for a regulation-free AI space (and is attempting to erase laws already in effect at the state level). Another complication: the capabilities of AI tools are changing rapidly, and the claims on behalf of AI—some clearly exaggerated and others not yet proven—so that adaptive or protective strategies may be impossible to devise anyway.

For Sanders, the “The goal, however, is to make sure that the new technologies being developed serve human needs and not just further enrich a small number of multi-billionaires. We do not simply need a more efficient society. We need a world where people live healthier, happier, and more fulfilling lives.”

Dire warnings about how AI may act adversely on people are not limited to liberal policymakers or idealistic futurists. Some leading innovators in the field have expressed deep anxieties. Dario Amodei, chief executive of Anthropic, maker of the large-language model series “Claude,” ominously predicted in September 2025 that, in his view, “there’s a 25% chance that things go really, really badly” with AI [6]. Amodei and other tech leaders recommend that technologists accept some form of “guardrails,” or shared safeguards, but what these might be, and how to enforce them, smack of wishful thinking and does not account rigorously for “unintended consequences,” which often bedevil even the best-conceived plans of innovators.

Google, for instance, has declared in a kind of corporate manifesto that the powerful company’s “approach” to AI reflects three broad principles: a commitment to “bold innovation” and “responsible development and deployment.” Who defines responsibility is left unstated and presumably will be defined by Google’s management. The third pillar: Google should work “together[Math Processing Error] with researchers across industry and academia to make breakthroughs in AI, while engaging with governments and civil society to address challenges that can’t be solved by any single stakeholder” [7].

The many warnings, soft and hard, about the trajectory of “artificial intelligence” technologies come chiefly from either self-appointed sentries who specialize in assessing the risks and rewards of emerging tech technologies, or from the companies, scientists, and engineers who build, test, and sell AI systems. Their collective project attempts to captivate the public imagination and galvanize support for further work on AI, while at the same time promoting governmental action and more transparency and concern about the unintended consequences of AI. In broad relief, these expressions of concern follow an established historical pattern—a pattern most dramatically set more than 85 years ago with a dense two-page letter sent to then President Franklin D. Roosevelt.2

Einstein Letter

Signed by Albert Einstein but written chiefly by the Hungarian physicist Leo Szilard, the letter is fairly considered the mother of all warnings about an emerging technology: in this case, the possible advent of atomic weapons, fueled by revelatory advances in Germany. Dated 2 August 1939, the letter begins calmly with Einstein reporting:

“the element uranium may be turned into a new and important source of energy in the immediate future. Certain aspects of the situation, which has arisen, seem to call for watchfulness and, if necessary, quick action on the part of the Administration.”

Einstein confessed next that he felt “it is my duty” to inform the President that, based on research in France and the U.S., “it appears almost certain [Math Processing Error] a nuclear chain reaction,” using “a large mass of uranium… could be achieved in the immediate future.” Einstein continued, “This new phenomenon would also lead to construction of bombs… extremely powerful bombs of a new type.” Einstein advised that Roosevelt forge “some permanent contact” with physicists and to support accelerated “experimental work” in cooperation with “industrial laboratories which have the necessary equipment.” In closing, Einstein noted that Germany, already at war in Europe, “has actually stopped the sale of uranium” from mines seized in what was then Czechoslovakia.

The Einstein letter can be viewed now as the mother of all warnings about an emerging destabilizing technology and suggests how warnings such as this one can set off a race to achieve the very engineered systems that humanity fears, on the assumption that the only defense against a revolutionary technology is to achieve effective dominance over it.

This ominous letter reached Roosevelt directly through astute aides, and then set off its own kind of chain reaction within the White House, which ultimately resulted in the formation of the Manhattan Project. Scientists and engineers gathered together in secret, nourished by massive resources provided by President Roosevelt and Congress, with the aim of outracing Germany in the design, testing, and production of an atomic weapon. In retrospect, the Germans never mounted a sustained effort, and after the U.S. detonated A-bombs on the defenseless Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Einstein deeply regretted attaching his name to this formidable letter.

The Einstein letter can be viewed now as the mother of all warnings about an emerging destabilizing technology and suggests how warnings such as this one can set off a race to achieve the very engineered systems that humanity fears, on the assumption that the only defense against a revolutionary technology is to achieve effective dominance over it.

I introduce the Einstein letter in an attempt to illustrate that warnings about emerging technologies possess a history and adhere loosely to some patterns that, when stripped of details, amount to a warning paradigm, or model. The effective warning about a neglected or hidden technological threat has the following traits:

  • The threat is presented in vivid, bold terms as immediate, urgent, and neglected at the peril of a nation or society.
  • The threat is posed as transnational, with damage not limited to specific countries.
  • The warning comes from a reliable or privileged source, a source that possesses special knowledge or awareness or both. Often, the warnings come from the very people who set out to build the technology they fear could harm them.

 

Warning against emerging perils from technological advance has become, in the years since 1945, has become normalized. So many warnings, about so many man-made perils, are issued that people risk becoming numb to them. This numbness gives rise to an alternative paradigm, described to me in an email by the philosopher of technology Carl Mitcham: the “ignoring paradigm.” While diverse in their scientific, engineering and bio-medical character, these warnings (whether activating or not) all share a basic perspective: they are deterministic; only forceful interventions, adaptations and management can limit or neuter the peril.

Fears of technological systems were a staple during the aftermath of World War II and into the 1960s. In Unsafe at Any Speed (1965), Ralph Nader eviscerated the safety of automobiles. In Silent Spring (1962), Rachel Carson documented the abusive use of chemicals in the environment. Barry Commoner, in Science and Survival (1966), drawing on his studies of the deleterious effects of above-ground testing of nuclear weapons, announced that “the age of innocent faith in science and technology may be over.” Michael Harrington, in The Other America (1962), presented a vivid picture of persistent poverty amid technological “progress.” In The Making of a Counter Culture (1969), Theodore Roszak connected youthful dissent with criticisms of “technocratic society.” By the 1970s, emerging technologies routinely ignited a sense of dread, helplessness, and anxiety that sometimes resulted in support for bans on certain technologies, most notably in the field of nuclear power. In a historic reversal, which many trace to the benign reception given “personal” technologies by the early advocates of micro-computers and other “tools” for better living (promoted by such popularizers as Stewart Brand’s Whole Earth Catalogue) emerging social technologies since the 1990s in have been cheered and enthusiastically embraced, at least at first.3

Perhaps the controlling example of the extreme enthusiasm for technological change was found in the advent of the World Wide Web in the mid-1990s. As personal computers heralded an expansion of freedom for the individual, so too did networks of PCs, which came to be known as the internet. While today the web is viewed as a mixed bag at best, and at worst the source of all forms of diminishment of human experience, at the outset the web was cheered as a promoter of fast, free retrieval of information, inexpensive mass communications, and boundless creative freedom. The political expression of the web’s benevolence was a slew of legislation during the presidency of Bill Clinton that effectively gave prime agents on the web a free pass from taxes, liability, and any forms of responsibility for the ill effects of content.4

The perception of the automatic benefits for the spread of the web, as with the earliest alarming descriptions of the potential destructiveness of atomic weapons, was cloaked in a presumption of inevitability. Oppose the web at your own risk. That the deterministic character of the web might include negative as well as positive aspects for people, places, and communities was neglected, if not utterly ignored. In his intimate account of how and why he invented the software “links” that animate the web as a system, Weaving the Web, Tim Berners-Lee identified his inspiration behind his seminal creation with an aha-moment he experienced in 1980: “Suppose all the information stored on computers everywhere was linked, I thought. Suppose I could program my computer to create a space in which anything could be linked to anything” [italics in original] [12, p. 4].

Captivated by his dream of “a single global information space,” Berners-Lee imagined the invention of “a web of information” in which humans would thrive at the center of a knowledge ecology of their own making:

“Computers might not find solutions to our problems, but they would be able to do the bulk of the legwork required, assisting our human minds, in intuitively finding ways through the maze. The added excitement was that computers also could follow and analyze tentative connective relationships that defined much of our society’s workings, unveiling entirely new ways to see our world. A system able to do that would be a fantastic thing–for managers, for social scientists and, ultimately, for everyone” [12, p. 5].

Chasing the Fantastic

What could go wrong with such unfettered connectivity? Maybe the “genius” of human creativity is rooted in drudge work, in the tiresome toil of sorting through wheat from chaff with our own minds. Or perhaps less-educated, more provincial, and griev-ance-consumed individuals would harness these same tools for less fantastic ends. Berners-Lee would not open these doors of deception. He is not about to list the potential problems of surrendering parts of the terrain of human cognition to a machine. No worries about mental atrophy afflicting the high-minded or the ground-laying by our communal software routines promoting inaccuracies. A new age of expression will dawn, he predicts in 1999, when he publishes Weaving the Web. In the penultimate paragraph of his book, Berners-Lee exudes innocence and idealism about the future of an enhanced human community:

“Hope in life comes from the interconnections among all the people in the world. We believe that if we all work for what we think individually is good, then we as a whole will achieve more understanding, more harmony as we continue the journey. We don’t find the individual being subjugated by the whole. We don’t find the needs of the whole being subjugated by the increasing power of an individual. But we might see more understanding in the struggles between these extremes. We don’t expect the system to eventually become perfect. But we feel better and better about it. We find the journey more and more exciting, but we don’t expect it to end” [12, p. 209].

More harmony? More understanding? “Just better connected–connected into a better shape,” Bern-ers-Lee optimistically predicted. Apparently not. In the dream world of the web as imagined by Bern-ers-Lee, there are no fundamental disagreements that arise inexorably from different values and beliefs, aspirations, and material conditions; no insistent disputes over race, ethnicity, nationality, or gender. Perhaps among privileged global elites, Berners-Lee’s description is accurate, but in the billions of lives lived beyond the cloistered cosmopolitan world of the highly educated and well-to-do, the web appears to be captured by greed and grievance. And besides the dominance of false claims, fabrications, pornography, and financial scams, the capacity for the web to promote political repression and social control goes unmentioned. Furthermore, Berners-Lee fails to hint at the dark alternative to the harmonious “weaving” together of humankind. Alongside utopian visions of web-mediated self- and social-actualization, a “digital panopticon” is taking form, deterministically empowering governments and dictators to exploit the digital footprints of their citizens to constrain and monitor even intimate aspects of their lives.5

When a quarter of the way through the 21st century determinism remains so entrenched in public conversations about technological change, even by earnest policymakers and highly informed engineers and tech entrepreneurs; and when an air of inevitability surrounds expectations of the future effects of artificial intelligence and drone warfare, should we not pause and ask more fundamental questions about the nature of the intellectual pursuit of understanding the relation of science and society, of engineering and innovation, of technological systems and what humans want and need to thrive?6

Return to Winner?

How might we begin to engage these deeper questions? In my view, the starting place should be a re-engagement with the classic writings of Langdon Winner. Sadly, I have not spoken at length with Dr. Winner in some 40 years. I last saw him during my tenure at Arizona State University, when he came for a friendly visit to a faculty member in our science and technology studies unit. Because of his extended retreat from published debates on the logic and structure of technological change, I must call attention to the essay he published, some 25 years ago, in an unassuming but perspicacious book edited by professors Stephen Cutcliffe and Carl Mitcham, Visions of STS: Counterpoints in science, technology and social studies [15]. Dr. Winner’s essay, “Where Technological Determinism Went,” remains a vital point of departure for further critical thinking. Two paragraphs in this essay are especially salient. In the first, he writes:

“While new theories of social construction of technology emphasize multiple sources of innovation, numerous branching points, and continuing negotiation among social groups, a widely shared conviction about technological change – held just about everywhere else – is something quite different. It holds that people must scramble to catch up with developments whose course is, for all intents and purposes, beyond deliberation and judgement[Math Processing Error] .” [15].

Winner then adds, two paragraphs later, a rather harsh but not unsupported observation:

“I find it interesting that the scholarly community in STS is so inward looking that it seems not to notice the glaring disconnect between its own favored theories and visions of run-away technology that prevail in society at large. True, the new methods and models are useful for historical study–reconstructing choices that have already been made, speculating about how outcomes might have been different, and so forth. But as for ways to illuminate matters before us right now, the new notions (contingency, interpretive flexibility, actor networks, and the like) seem distinctly impotent” [15].

Twenty-five years have passed since Winner published these sobering words. Nothing fundamental has changed. Winner could speak these words now, this very day, and the same conditions—and contra-dictions—would hold sway. Is not it time to accept the challenge of a fundamental reconsideration?

As a starting premise, instead of thinking of determinism as an inevitably or an agent of imprisonment, perhaps we begin with a thought experiment: engage deterministic analysis in ways that will open doors of cognition now closed; and in doing so, maybe minds will open to the possibility that the constraints imposed by technological systems, whether hard or soft limits, merit greater attention.

Author Information

G. Pascal Zachary is a historian, formerly with Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ, USA, and Stanford University, Stanford, CA, USA. He has been observing and interpreting technological change for 40 years. He is the only biographer of Vannevar Bush, an early computer designer and the President Roosevelt’s technology adviser during World War II. Email: g.zachary@gmail.com.

 

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